Ketanji Brown Jackson Defenestrates the First Amendment
At her confirmation hearings, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson claimed she lacked the expertise to define “woman.” Just two years later, she did not hesitate to redefine the First Amendment and free speech as she advocated for the regime to bulldoze our Constitutional liberties provided they offer sufficiently sanctimonious justifications.
At Monday’s oral arguments in Murthy v. Missouri, Jackson said her “biggest concern” was that the injunction, which prohibits the Biden Administration from colluding with Big Tech to censor Americans, may result in “the First Amendment hamstringing the Government.”
This, apparently, was of greater concern to Jackson than the revelations that the Intelligence Community held ongoing meetings with social media companies to coordinate censorship demands, that the White House explicitly demanded the censorship of journalists, and that the Department of Homeland Security was instrumental in manipulating citizens ahead of the 2020 presidential election.
But according to Jackson’s outlook, those facts may have actually been encouraging. She scolded counsel, “Some might say the Government actually has a duty to take steps to protect the citizens of this country.”
Jackson’s formulation inverts the structure of constitutional liberties. The Constitution does not limit the powers of citizens; it restrains our elected officials from tyrannical overreach. It is the law that “governs those who govern us,” as law professor Randy Barnett explains.
Impediments to state powers are not flaws in the system; they are the essence of the design. But Jackson offers no deference to these constitutional restraints. Instead, she explained, “I am really worried about…the First Amendment operating in an environment of threatening circumstances.”
Of course, the First Amendment was designed for environments of threatening circumstances. American history offers no shortage of threats that could be justified to abridge our liberties – from Cholera and Yellow Fever to polio and Spanish flu; from the Red Coats and the XYZ Affair to the Red Army and the War on Terror; from conquering the west to defeating the Nazis.
The Framers understood the ineradicable threat that power poses to liberty, which is why they were unequivocal that the Government cannot “abridge” constitutionally protected speech, no matter the moral surety of the censors.
At times, the country has failed to live up to this promise, but those instances are rarely heralded. Jackson’s deference to emergencies or “threatening circumstances” is precisely the logic that the Court used to intern the Japanese and jail Eugene Debs. More recently, censors invoked that familiar paternalism to justify censorship of the origin of Covid and the veracity of Hunter Biden’s laptop.
But the Constitution demands a different path, as explained by Louisiana Solicitor General Benjamin Aguinaga in response to Jackson. The choice between liberty and safety is a false binary. “The Government can’t just run rampant pressuring the platforms to censor private speech,” Aguinaga explained.
The Biden Administration can promote its interests, deliver its own speeches, and purchase its preferred PSAs. It cannot, however, use vapid slogans of paternalism to usurp the First Amendment.
Justice Alito appeared to see through the justifications for censorship in his questioning of Brian Fletcher, Biden’s Deputy Solicitor General. He asked:
“When I see that the White House and federal officials repeatedly say that Facebook and the federal government should be ‘partners,’ [or] ‘we are on the same team.’ [GOVERNMENT] Officials are demanding answers, ‘I want an answer. I want it right away.’ When they’re unhappy, they curse them out…The only reason why this is taking place is that the federal government has got Section 230 and antitrust in its pocket…And so it’s treating Facebook and these other platforms like their subordinate.Would you do that to the New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, the Associated Press, or any other big newspaper or wire service?”
Meanwhile, Jackson could not grasp the most basic tenets of the First Amendment or free speech. Instead, she fear-mongered with absurd questions of whether the State has a compelling interest in stopping teens from “jumping out of windows.”
In the process, Jackson revealed her intent to defenestrate the First Amendment alongside her fictitious adolescent victims. Her “biggest concern” is that the First Amendment may hinder the regime’s pursuit of power, just as it was designed to do.
Tyranny has long draped itself in cloaks of benevolent phrasing. The judiciary is meant to safeguard our liberties from aspiring tyrants, even if they espouse the socially fashionable shibboleths of the day. Jackson does not just abdicate that responsibility; she appears to abhor it. We must hope her peers on the Court retain their oath to the Constitution.
It was especially striking for many people listening to these arguments to become aware of the astonishing lack of sophistication on the part of some of these Justices, Jackson in particular, and others had their moments.
The sidewalks outside the court were filled with actual experts, people who have followed this case closely since its inception, victims of the censorship industrial complex, and people who have read every brief and scoured through the evidence.
These actual experts and dedicated citizens who know the facts inside and out stood on the sidewalks outside the case while the plaintiffs’ attorney scrambled within the time limits to introduce the topic, possibly for the first time, to these men and women who hold the future of freedom in their hands.
Unbeknownst to themselves, the Justices themselves are victims of the censorship industrial complex. They could themselves have been plaintiffs in this very case, since they too are consumers of information using technology. And yet, given their status and position, they had to pretend to be above it all, knowing what others do not know, though clearly they did not.
It was frustrating scene, to say the least.
Sadly, the oral arguments became bogged down in minutiae over plaintiff standing, the particular wording of this or that email, various farflung hypotheticals, and hand wringing over what will become of the influence of our overlords should the injunction take place. Lost in this thicket of confusion was the bigger trajectory: the clear ambition on the part of the administrative state to become the master curator of the Internet in order to disable the whole promise of a democratized communication technology and introduce full control of the public mind.
A clear-headed court would strike down the entire ambition. That will not happen, apparently. That said, perhaps it is a very good sign that at least, and after so many years of this deep-state meddling in information flows, the issue has finally gotten the attention of the highest court.
May this day become a catalyst for what is needed most of all: the formation of a hard-core of informed citizens who absolutely refuse to go along with the censorship no matter what.
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DOJ Mulling Plea Deal For Assange: WikiLeaks Founder Could Finally Walk Free
The Biden administration might be looking for a way to bring the 14-year long legal drama centered on WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange to an end. Britain’s High Court will at some point in the next weeks finally decide whether to extradite him to the United States, but a surprise breaking story from The Wall Street Journal says the US is exploring other alternatives.
The Wednesday WSJ report says, “The U.S. Justice Department is considering whether to allow Julian Assange to plead guilty to a reduced charge of mishandling classified information, according to people familiar with the matter, opening the possibility of a deal that would end a lengthy legal saga triggered by one of the biggest classified intelligence leaks in American history.”
Ever since Metropolitan Police officers were allowed into the Ecuadorian Embassy in London on April 11, 2019 – where he had been holed up for years, Assange has been in the legal fight of his life while incarcerated at Belmarsh prison. If he’s extradited he’ll likely spend life in prison at the infamous ADX Florence supermax prison in Colorado.
A plea deal means the whole crisis for him and his family could finally come to an acceptable and peaceful end after all of these years.
“Justice Department officials and Assange’s lawyers have had preliminary discussions in recent months about what a plea deal could look like, according to people familiar with the matter, a potential softening in a standoff filled with political and legal complexities,” according to details in the WSJ report. “The talks come as Assange has spent some five years behind bars and U.S. prosecutors face diminishing odds that he would serve much more time even if he were convicted stateside.”
In February of this year, Assange’s cause received a big boost when his native Australia issued formal request to the US and UK that charges against Julian Assange be dropped. The motion adopted by Australian parliament at that time emphasized “the importance of the UK and USA bringing the matter to a close so that Mr. Assange can return home to his family in Australia.”
Given Australia is a close US ally and member of the ‘Five Eyes’ intelligence group, this was a huge win for Assange. It’s very possible that this act alone may have pushed the Biden administration to take a more conciliatory stance.
However, the US deep state is still without doubt seeking revenge after years of humiliation and tens of thousands of leaked documents revealed by WikiLeaks which exposed US state secrets and sometimes war crimes.
There are still many obstacles to overcome if such a plea deal were to ever become reality, and the clock is ticking, notes WSJ further:
The discussions remain in flux and the talks could fizzle. Any deal would require approval at the highest levels of the Justice Department. Barry Pollack, a lawyer for Assange, said he has been given no indication that the department will take a deal. A Justice Department spokesman declined to comment.
The report details, “If prosecutors allow Assange to plead to a U.S. charge of mishandling classified documents—something his lawyers have floated as a possibility—it would be a misdemeanor offense.”
Contact your representatives and urge them to sign Res. 934 today: “Regular journalistic activities are protected under the First Amendment, and that the United States ought to drop all charges against and attempts to extradite Julian Assange” https://t.co/WQHqkcdzip pic.twitter.com/p7FuBDy9Y6
— WikiLeaks (@wikileaks) March 20, 2024
And this would be the ideal outcome for Assange and his legal team: “Under such a deal, Assange potentially could enter that plea remotely, without setting foot in the U.S. The time he has spent behind bars in London would count toward any U.S. sentence and he would likely be free to leave prison shortly after any deal was concluded.”
Let’s hope that the celebratory day comes soon where Assange can actually walk out of Belmarsh a free man.
EXCLUSIVE: Reporters Expose Nationwide Illegal Immigrant Child Trafficking Operation
Muckraker journalists Anthony Rubin and Carlos Arellano join Alex Jones in studio to break down the massive child trafficking operation taking place at the southern border facilitated by the Biden regime.
Analyst: The Fed Needs More Unemployment
Analysts at PIMCO say that for the Fed to reach its goal of lowering inflation to 2%, we need fewer people to be employed. Reduced incentives to offer raises and bonuses and less spending from the “resilient” American consumer can help cool down inflationary pressure. But there’s an elephant in the room: Why do we let a handful of unelected central planners decide what’s best for markets (and human beings) to begin with?
Part of the problem is that “markets” are people, and part of the darkness of central banking is that to do the job at all, those people have to be reduced to numbers on a screen. Data in a spreadsheet. Lines on a graph. Central bankers also have to think that they are so all-knowing that they can adjust the levers of the economy to responsibly achieve goals within a system of near-infinite complexity. The human cost of this monetary policy hubris is almost ineffable in scope.
Reacting to the Fed’s report about inflation data earlier this month and what it means for unemployment numbers, PIMCO’s Tiffany Wilding said:
“(the report) should raise real questions about the extent to which inflation will move back to target absent some further easing in the labor market.”
But some analysts disagree. As Oxford’s Michael Saunders told the Financial Times about reducing inflation in the US and Eurozone, he thinks that the inflation targets can be met through the wonders of “immaculate disinflation,” where inflation is brought down and kept at the 2% level without a major uptick in the unemployment rate:
“Immaculate disinflation, whereby inflation returns sustainably to target without a significant rise in unemployment, has become the base case.”
The term “immaculate disinflation” powerfully exemplifies the supreme arrogance of central banking by cloaking them in the language of Christian divinity. But what is the “correct” level of employment anyway? “Maximum employment” is part of the Fed’s mandate, which makes it sound like central bankers want everyone to have a job. However, the reality of the doublespeak is very different.
The meaning of the “maximum employment” mandate is that the Fed wants the correct number of people to have jobs. Determining exactly what the “correct” number is in practical terms is a guessing game of central bank wizardry, but it basically boils down to whatever number the Fed thinks is necessary for achieving their 2% inflation goal.
However, the precise nuances driving the dynamics between inflation and unemployment are something that not even the Fed’s economists can agree on with any finality. The details of the inflation-unemployment tradeoff have been a long-standing debate in economics, with different sides taking different positions based on their endless self-referential analyses and Keynesian math, as seen earlier this month in this report from analysts at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. Discussing the inflation-unemployment debate, which was reignited among economists and central bankers during the Covid-19 pandemic, they say:
“One camp argued that the surge in inflation was driven primarily by transitory factors, such as global supply chain disruptions and demand shifts, with little negative growth consequences of disinflation for the US economy. A more pessimistic view embraced by others envisioned a costlier disinflation process leading to a recession.”
This chart from the St. Louis Fed shows the drastic spike in unemployment that helped fuel the debate, along with innumerable other disruptions caused by the global response to the virus (providing endless academic fodder for economics researchers):
The Covid-19 Unemployment Spike
Whichever camp has the more accurate take, when it comes to pushing for lower employment rates to tame inflation that the Fed’s policies created, central banks punish human beings for the results of their own policies. And even at the 2% inflation target, the central bank is constantly reducing your future purchasing power to provide pseudo-infinite funding for an overstretched empire, or as Ron Paul aptly calls it, the Welfare Warfare State.
Regardless of whether the rate of inflation is 2%, 4%, or much higher, the common denominator is this: Central Banks are stealing your money.
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The Language of Force: How the Police State Muzzles Our Right to Speak Truth to Power
“If the state could use [criminal] laws not for their intended purposes but to silence those who voice unpopular ideas, little would be left of our First Amendment liberties, and little would separate us from the tyrannies of the past or the malignant fiefdoms of our own age. The freedom to speak without risking arrest is ‘one of the principal characteristics by which we distinguish a free nation.’”—Justice Neil Gorsuch, dissenting, Nieves v. Bartlett (2019)
Tyrants don’t like people who speak truth to power.
Cue the rise of protest laws, which take the government’s intolerance for free speech to a whole new level and send the resounding message that resistance is futile.
In fact, ever since the Capitol protests on Jan. 6, 2021, state legislatures have introduced a broad array of these laws aimed at criminalizing protest activities.
There have been at least 205 proposed laws in 45 states aimed at curtailing the right to peacefully assemble and protest by expanding the definition of rioting, heightening penalties for existing offenses, or creating new crimes associated with assembly.
Weaponized by police, prosecutors, courts and legislatures, these protest laws, along with free speech zones, bubble zones, trespass zones, anti-bullying legislation, zero tolerance policies, hate crime laws, and a host of other legalistic maladies have become a convenient means by which to punish individuals who refuse to be muzzled.
In Florida, for instance, legislators passed a “no-go” zone law making it punishable by up to 60 days in jail to remain within 25 feet of working police and other first responders after a warning.
Yet while the growing numbers of protest laws cropping up across the country are sold to the public as necessary to protect private property, public roads or national security, they are a wolf in sheep’s clothing, a thinly disguised plot to discourage anyone from challenging government authority at the expense of our First Amendment rights.
It doesn’t matter what the source of that discontent might be (police brutality, election outcomes, COVID-19 mandates, the environment, etc.): protest laws, free speech zones, no-go zones, bubble zones, trespass zones, anti-bullying legislation, zero tolerance policies, hate crime laws, etc., aim to muzzle every last one of us.
To be very clear, these legislative attempts to redefine and criminalize speech are a backdoor attempt to rewrite the Constitution and render the First Amendment’s robust safeguards null and void.
No matter how you package these laws, no matter how well-meaning they may sound, no matter how much you may disagree with the protesters or sympathize with the objects of the protest, these proposed laws are aimed at one thing only: discouraging dissent.
This is the painful lesson being imparted with every incident in which someone gets arrested and charged with any of the growing number of contempt charges (ranging from resisting arrest and interference to disorderly conduct, obstruction, and failure to obey a police order) that get trotted out anytime a citizen voices discontent with the government or challenges or even questions the authority of the powers-that-be.
These assaults on free speech are nothing new.
As Human Rights Watch points out, “Various states have long-tried to curtail the right to protest. They do so by legislating wide definitions of what constitutes an ‘unlawful assembly’ or a ‘riot’ as well as increasing punishments. They also allow police to use catch-all public offenses, such as trespassing, obstructing traffic, or disrupting the peace, as a pretext for ordering dispersals, using force, and making arrests. Finally, they make it easier for corporations and others to bring lawsuits against protest organizers.”
Journalists have come under particular fire for exercising their right to freedom of the press.
According to U.S. Press Freedom Tracker, the criminalization of routine journalism has become a means by which the government chills lawful First Amendment activity.
Journalists have been arrested or faced dubious charges for “publishing,” asking too many questions of public officials, being “rude” for reporting during a press conference, and being in the vicinity of public protests and demonstrations.
For instance, Steve Baker, a reporter for Blaze News, was charged with four misdemeanors, including trespassing and disorderly conduct charges, related to his sympathetic coverage of the Jan. 6 riots. Dan Heyman, a reporter for the Public News Service, was arrested for “aggressively” questioning Tom Price, then secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services during an encounter in the West Virginia State Capitol.
It’s gotten so bad that merely daring to question, challenge or hesitate when a cop issues an order can get you charged with resisting arrest or disorderly conduct.
For example, Deyshia Hargrave, a language arts teacher in Louisiana, was thrown to the ground, handcuffed and arrested for speaking out during a public comment period at a school board meeting.
Fane Lozman was arrested for alluding to government corruption during open comment time at a City Council meeting in Palm Beach County, Fla.
College professor Ersula Ore was slammed to the ground and arrested after she objected to the “disrespectful manner” shown by a campus cop who stopped her in the middle of the street and demanded that she show her ID.
Philadelphia lawyer Rebecca Musarra was arrested for exercising her right to remain silent and refusing to answer questions posed by a police officer during a routine traffic stop. (Note: she cooperated in every other way by providing license and registration, etc.)
Making matters worse, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a ruling in Nieves v. Bartlett that protects police from lawsuits by persons arrested on bogus “contempt of cop” charges (ranging from resisting arrest and interference to disorderly conduct, obstruction, and failure to obey a police order) that result from lawful First Amendment activities (filming police, asking a question of police, refusing to speak with police).
These incidents reflect a growing awareness about the state of free speech in America: you may have distinct, protected rights on paper, but dare to exercise those rights, and you risk fines, arrests, injuries and even death.
Unfortunately, we have been circling this particular drain hole for some time now.
More than 50 years ago, U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas took issue with the idea that merely speaking to a government representative (a right enshrined in the First Amendment) could be perceived as unlawfully inconveniencing and annoying the police.
In a passionate defense of free speech, Douglas declared:
Since when have we Americans been expected to bow submissively to authority and speak with awe and reverence to those who represent us? The constitutional theory is that we the people are the sovereigns, the state and federal officials only our agents. We who have the final word can speak softly or angrily. We can seek to challenge and annoy, as we need not stay docile and quiet. The situation might have indicated that Colten’s techniques were ill-suited to the mission he was on, that diplomacy would have been more effective. But at the constitutional level speech need not be a sedative; it can be disruptive.
It’s a power-packed paragraph full of important truths that the powers-that-be would prefer we quickly forget: We the people are the sovereigns. We have the final word. We can speak softly or angrily. We can seek to challenge and annoy. We need not stay docile and quiet. Our speech can be disruptive. It can invite dispute. It can be provocative and challenging. We do not have to bow submissively to authority or speak with reverence to government officials.
In theory, Douglas was right: “we the people” do have a constitutional right to talk back to the government.
In practice, however, we live in an age in which “we the people” are at the mercy of militarized, weaponized, immunized cops who have almost absolute discretion to decide who is a threat, what constitutes resistance, and how harshly they can deal with the citizens they were appointed to “serve and protect.”
As such, those who seek to exercise their First Amendment rights during encounters with the police are increasingly finding that there is no such thing as freedom of speech.
Case in point: Tony Rupp, a lawyer in Buffalo, NY, found himself arrested and charged with violating the city’s noise ordinance after cursing at an SUV bearing down on pedestrians on a busy street at night with its lights off. Because that unmarked car was driven by a police officer, that’s all it took for Rupp to find himself subjected to malicious prosecution, First Amendment retaliation and wrongful arrest.
The case, as Jesse McKinley writes in The New York Times, is part of a growing debate over “how citizens can criticize public officials at a time of widespread reevaluation of the lengths and limits of free speech. That debate has raged everywhere from online forums and college campuses to protests over racial bias in law enforcement and the Israel-Hamas war. Book bans and other acts of government censorship have troubled some First Amendment experts. Last week, the Supreme Court heard arguments about a pair of laws — in Florida and Texas — limiting the ability of social media companies such as Facebook to ban certain content from their platforms.”
Bottom line: what the architects of the police state want are submissive, compliant, cooperative, obedient, meek citizens who don’t talk back, don’t challenge government authority, don’t speak out against government misconduct, and don’t resist.
What the First Amendment protects—and a healthy constitutional republic requires—are citizens who routinely exercise their right to speak truth to power.
Yet there can be no free speech for the citizenry when the government speaks in a language of force.
What is this language of force?
Militarized police. Riot squads. Camouflage gear. Black uniforms. Armored vehicles. Mass arrests. Pepper spray. Tear gas. Batons. Strip searches. Surveillance cameras. Kevlar vests. Drones. Lethal weapons. Less-than-lethal weapons unleashed with deadly force. Rubber bullets. Water cannons. Stun grenades. Arrests of journalists. Crowd control tactics. Intimidation tactics. Brutality. Contempt of cop charges.
This is not the language of freedom. This is not even the language of law and order.
Unfortunately, this is how the government at all levels—federal, state and local—now responds to those who choose to exercise their First Amendment right to speak freely.
If we no longer have the right to tell a Census Worker to get off our property, if we no longer have the right to tell a police officer to get a search warrant before they dare to walk through our door, if we no longer have the right to stand in front of the Supreme Court wearing a protest sign or approach an elected representative to share our views, if we no longer have the right to protest unjust laws by voicing our opinions in public or on our clothing or before a legislative body, then we do not have free speech.
What we have instead is regulated, controlled, censored speech, and that’s a whole other ballgame.
Remember, the unspoken freedom enshrined in the First Amendment is the right to challenge government agents, think freely and openly debate issues without being muzzled or treated like a criminal.
Americans are being brainwashed into believing that anyone who wears a government uniform—soldier, police officer, prison guard—must be obeyed without question.
Of course, the Constitution takes a far different position, but does anyone in the government even read, let alone abide by, the Constitution anymore?
The government does not want us to remember that we have rights, let alone attempting to exercise those rights peaceably and lawfully. And it definitely does not want us to engage in First Amendment activities that challenge the government’s power, reveal the government’s corruption, expose the government’s lies, and encourage the citizenry to push back against the government’s many injustices.
Yet by muzzling the citizenry, by removing the constitutional steam valves that allow people to speak their minds, air their grievances and contribute to a larger dialogue that hopefully results in a more just world, the government is creating a climate in which violence becomes inevitable.
When there is no First Amendment steam valve, then frustration builds, anger grows and people become more volatile and desperate to force a conversation.
As John F. Kennedy warned, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”
As I point out in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, the government is making violent revolution inevitable.
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Exposed: ‘Charity’ Caught Distributing Fraudulent Papers For Illegal Aliens To Obtain Gov’t ID
Undercover video by citizen journalists caught a charity that caters to illegal aliens illegally filling out residency documents for a man with no form of identification.
Muckraker.com journalists teamed up with The Heritage Foundation’s Oversight Project to reveal the illegal alien fraud pipeline taking place in New York City.
The nonprofit La Jornada, based in Queens, describes itself as an organization “committed to justice and equality” whose goal is “helping migrants navigate the complex asylum processes and other legal procedures.”
Video shows a La Jornada employee admitting that distributing residency documents is against the law before doing so with another person the next day.
The undercover video also shows the organization distributing paperwork to get a government-issued New York City identification card through the city’s IDNYC program.
“Illegal aliens can pay to receive fake residency paperwork, allowing them to obtain a government issued ID using whatever information they provided,” Muckraker.com founder Anthony Rubin narrated in the video.
In the video, Rubin asked a La Jornada employee if he could buy residency papers, to which the woman replied, “that’s illegal.”
“Buy papers here? No, we cannot do that…We could help you do your documentation if you need to get a Social Security or work permit,” she said.
Later, the woman told Rubin: “You cannot go asking how much is the residency we sell, because that’s illegal…that’s something that you could do that you could get in trouble. That’s not what we could do…They will think we are doing something illegal.”
But the next day, a Mexican associate of Muckraker’s returned to La Jornada, where an employee provided him with residency and IDNYC paperwork despite him not providing any form of identification.
Instead, the man only gave a first and last name.
“Do you have a first and last name? Nothing else? Only have Jose Rubiano?” the employee asked, which the Muckraker associate affirmed.
“I’m going to get this signed and then I’ll be right back,” the employee said before returning shortly after with documents bearing the name “Jose Rubiano” for both residency and the IDNYC card.
Rubin highlighted the national security and election integrity risks posed by the illegal residency and official identification card scheme.
“Anyone, from someone seeking unauthorized employment to spies, saboteurs, or even terrorists, could obtain a government issued ID by visiting La Jornada and acquiring fraudulent papers,” Rubin said. “This risk also includes those who enter this country legally and overstay their visa.”
Additionally, Rubin warned that likely thousands of illegal aliens have already used this scheme to integrate into NYC’s population undetected.
And only a 30-day residency is required to participate in New York elections.
As we reported, illegal aliens have openly expressed their intent to vote for Joe Biden in the 2024 election.
Illegal Migrants Talk About 2024 Election:
— Wall Street Silver (@WallStreetSilv) February 8, 2024
They believe they entered legally because they made a claim for asylum (fake claim) so they think they can vote.
Reporter:
“Who are you going to vote for?”
Illegal Migrant:
“Joe Biden”
“Joe Biden is helping us here”
“Of course for… pic.twitter.com/kKbp1yL1s5
Biden Attorney General Merrick Garland also declared this month that the government will try to shut down voter ID and other election integrity safeguards in the name of fighting racism.